GUSTIA EGA PUTRI
2313.083
PBI.IVC
LANGUAGE
USE AND CHOICE: A CASE STUDY OF KINUBI IN KIBERA, KENYA
RIVIEW
Abstract
This article analyzes the domains of
language use and choice of the Kinubi speaking community in Kibera, Kenya in
relation to Kinubi maintenance in a multilingual location. Language use and
choice has been a debated issue whenever languages come into contact. It refers
to a situation where members of a speech community try to keep a language the
way it has always been used despite linguistic challenges emerging from a
multilingual convergence. In this paper we argue that Kinubi, a minority
language spoken in Kibera, is expected to face maintenance challenges. However,
the findings reveal that it has defied this logic and seems to thrive in various
domains of language use and is the natural choice at home. Thus, Kinubi’s
ethnolinguistic vitality particularly in the home domain in a region of
linguistic diversity is quite evident.
SUMMARY
A
language is an important factor in human communication. The ability to use ones
language well is a sign of good interaction as the intended message will be
passed and understood well. However, the moment one lets a language to
diminish, one automatically loses a certain part of one’s culture, prestige and
integrity. In Kenya, for example, Batibo (2005) asserts that of the fifty six
indigenous languages, about thirteen are highly endangered while a dozen others
are extinct or nearly extinct. Hence, in Kenya, as in other African countries,
indigenous languages suffer the disadvantage of existing alongside English,
Kiswahili or a mixture of both (known as Sheng in Kenya) which may be
attributed to the difficult choices based on the politics of policy in a
multilingual set-up.
1. Emergence and spread of Kinubi in Kenya Heine
(1982) posits that Kinubi has often been called an Arabic Creole since about
90% of its vocabulary is of Arabic origin. It is termed a creole as many of its
structural and developmental features resemble those of known creoles such as
Jamaican Creole, Bazaar Malay, Nigerian English, and so forth. Kinubi
originated from an Arabic pidgin spoken in southern Sudan and northern Uganda.
Heine adds that pidgins typically come into being in multilingual groups, when
no common language is present to satisfy the need for communication. None of
the native languages dominates in prestige or number of prestigious languages.
The structure of pidgins may develop from very rudimentary and variable to
stable and expanded. Pidgin languages are learned by their speakers as a second
language. A pidgin language may develop into a creole when it is nativized,
whether as an instantaneous or as a gradual process, when children born in
mixed marriages are confronted with the pidgin input and learn it as their
mother tongue. Kinubi underwent such a stage and became creolized over a period
of time and now has speakers who use it as a first language (Heine, 1982). 2.
Ethnolinguistic
vitality theori This paper used the theory of Ethnolinguistic
Vitality (EV) as its analytical tool. This theory comprises sociostructural
factors used to explain language maintenance and shift within a community.
Giles, Bourhis and Taylor (1977) first introduced the concept of
ethnolinguistic vitality and in their typological approach, proposed three
variables, which may combine to permit an ethnolinguistic minority to survive
as a distinctive group. These three variables are status, demographic and
institutional support. Each of these variables consists of a sub-set of
variables. However, this paper has subjected Giles et al’s (1977)
framework to several amendments and modifications to provide a more
comprehensive approach to the Kinubi question. 3. Methodology This
qualitative research study was carried out amongst the Kinubi speakers of
Kibera, Nairobi County, Kenya. Descriptive design was used as it involved the
usage of primary data collection methods as the most suitable route for the
attainment of the study objectives. A population sample of 30 respondents and 3
homes were studied in the larger project (cf. Adams (forthcoming). Because this
paper is a preliminary report, only a brief part of the data collected and
analyzed will be reflected in the findings section. The samples were arrived at
through both purposive and snowballing techniques. Data was collected through
the use of interview and observations schedules. Comprehensive data analysis
was done using the ethnographic approach of quotations and descriptions
following Landweer’s (2008) second indicator of Ethnolinguistic Vitality. 4. Result For
the purposes of this paper, interview transcripts from four respondents out of
the thirty used in the larger project (cf. Adams (forthcoming) were deemed
sufficient to reflect the research findings. In order to identify which
language is used most at home, the interview schedule elicited several
responses related to the language used between the respondents and their family
members. Of the four people interviewed, three respondents showed their
commitment to speak Kinubi at home with their families. 5. Discussion The
sociolinguistic notion of domain was formalized by Fishman (1972), who stressed
that different settings characteristically call for the use of different
languages in a multilingual society (or varieties of the same language in a
monolingual society). Landweer (2008) ranks domains of language use along a
scale, noting that as language shift takes hold in an ethnolinguistic
community, the vernacular is typically replaced by a second language in
progressively more domains along the scale. The home is the ‘anchor’ domain and
is usually the last to be replaced. After this come domains such as social
events, cultural events, education, business, travel,and writing. 6.
Conclusion This paper has presented
findings and discussions of Kinubi usage and choice in the home domain. From
the findings, it can be concluded that Kinubi speakers encourage the use of
Kinubi and their language choice is influenced by the way the people use their
language. This ethnic language is clearly passed on from the grandparent to
parent generations to the grandchildren generations. As noted within this domain, the grandparent and parents'
generations were seen as putting efforts to maintain the language. However, the
grandchildren generation was exposed to many linguistic challenges and required
cushioning from the ravages of multilingualism in Kibera. It can also be
confirmed that the home/family domain is the core domain of language use and
choice. A shift may occur when a weaker language is being replaced by a more
dominant one. Coulmas (2005) state that a shift can be detected from a
speaker's language choice in the home domain, which is generally agreed to be
the last bastion of language maintenance. From the results and discussions in
this paper, Kinubi seems to be the preferred language at home.
